Skip to main content
Internet Archive's 25th Anniversary Logo

Full text of "Bulletin of the IV World Congress of the Communist International #13 Nov 23, 1922"

See other formats


WORKERS OF THE WORLD. UNITE! 



BULLETIN 

OF THE llf MG8ESS DF THE COT HffTBHUTfOMM. 




Moscow. 



23 November 1922. 



Thirteenth Session. 



November 17, 1922 opened. 

Chairmen: Comrades Kolaroff, Markhlevsky, Zetkin. 

Contents: 

l-; c poi't of the Credential-; iVjimnitt.ee. Wireless Message from Yogo-Slavia. Declaral 
Delegation. Voting on Report of Credentials Connniteo. Discussion of the Capitalist Orfensi 

Adoption of Resolution of Protest against Polish Government for the arrest of Commui 
Telegram from Comrade Newbold on his election to Parliament, 
Declaration by Comrade Welti, on behalf of the Swiss Delegation. 
Appointment of Egyptian Commission. 
Speakers. Eberlc'm, Uumbei't-Droz. Ravenstein. Stern,- Webb. Hoernle, Welti. Rosmcr, fl 



Zinoviev. 



n a i r m a n Kola r o v:— 1 declare the 
rt| Session open, and call upon comrade 
Bberiein to put before you the report of 
the credentials committee. 

E b e r 1 e i n:— Comrades, alter the World 
Congress had been decided upon, the 
Presidium sent to the various sections of 
the Communist International a distribu- 
tion plan according to which the delega- 
tes to the World Congress were to be 
elected. According to this plan, 350 dele- 
gates from 61 countries were invited to 
the Congress of the Communist Interna- 
tional According to a decision of the 
J-residiuiu a sub-committee, which was 
appointed on November 16.1922. consisting 
SL C 1 ° mrades TnUiser, p la tnitaky and 
WJein, was entrusted with the prelimi- 
£SL e i Cami , nati0Q of the credentials. Sub- 
seqtientiy tbe Enlarged Executive appo- 
wL l n }\ Amission for the exami- 
Th : hi lle „ cre dentials, and comrades 
iar ST (?«nnany) f Kabalchiev (Bui- 
Utalvi ; lelli1, Norway), and Cramsci 
cSaer re adtled t0 the thlw othpr 
' U ' s Commission examined' the creden- 



tials of the comrades who had arri 
and found them to be on the whole 
rect. The Presidium had previously i 
instructions that every delegate ' was to 
provide himself with a special creel; 
signed and stamped by the Central C 
mittee of his respective Party. 1 
instructions were in most cases strictly 
adhered to. 

I shall now report to you on 
ber of delegates who have already 
ved, and the number of credentials whicfe 
have been found correct, and will 
you at the conclusion to endorse the 
of the credentials commission. At 
same time I will try to give you, as 
as this is possible, the number 
bers of the respective parties. I sh 
like to draw your attention to 
that not all the parties were 
the exact number of their menv 
considerable number of parties 
forced to carry on illegal existence, 
are therefore unable to produce 
■ statistics. 

Moreover, I should like also to d 
your attention to the fact that 



BUI LETIN OF THE IV CONGRESS 



OF THE COM Mi SflSl INTERNATIONAL 









was based oot rae- 
of the 



Their credentials were 
rect. 



'• ( 'Ogni/,Ml as 



"'I!. 



imp 
illlfl 



, ,-p to the Yugoslavian Party, 

#r PaE ty differences are verv 

aS ,i K /wdentials Commissions left 




Party 




tool membership oi the 

ribution of credentials 

aunt the political impor- 

the respective parties m the 

I ,™ r the revolutionary strug- 

special political and economic 

Situation oi the given country, and finally, 

t] 1( . degr il illegality of the Party and 

I ut its oppression by the enemy. 
' Twenty comrades were invited from the 

rPart, which has at present a arrive dl»Am enca a nd wer e a dm $ %^^ er 
membership of 226,200, out ol which to Jie £ongressmth a deliberative voS LfLo-oins 
102,400 paid their membership dues re- 
gularly during the last quarter (according ™ ^ *«,««- , '"7 / Ia »i"g paid, theil 

membership lees. It should be stated th 

the Polish Party is carrying on an ilW . ^riTwas invited to send six delegates, 
existence. Ten comrades were invited 21 I'ihit number has come. This creden- 



to the lists oi contributions). Twenty-three 

comrades have arrived. The Credentials 

Commission seated the twenty-three com- 

■ades with a decisive vote. Their creden- 

ials were found to be in proper con di- 



lates have arrived^ °! «&** Hs"no bearing on 

were given deliberative vote. Two l? 1 decisw" **..-, hin the yugo-Slavian Party, 

sentatives of the Negro Organisation S difference; 3 v, ^^ ^ Po]jtical 

a membership of about 500, have I 1 *' nlc -S™ The comrades were informed 

•m SSer in a special resolution For 

- » «^x UCi ttwve vnL ot ^,-oriino- reasons we ask, therefore, 

T i ie P ?^ P ^^ ted ^memb\Sll!i l^thf comrade's mandate should like-, 

be recognized. 



wise 



The Bulgarian Party has 40,000 mem- 



The French Party declared their mem- 
bership to be 78,828. Twenty comrades 
were invited, and twenty-four have arri- 
ved. Twenty-three delegates were reco- 
gnized as entitled to a decisive vote, and 
one was granted deliberative vote. 

The Italian Party stated its member- 
ship to be 24,638. Twenty comrades were 
ted, and 21 comrades have arrived, 
all of whom were recognised as entitled 
to a decisive vote. 

The Russian Party stated its member- 
ship to be 324,522 in Russia proper. There 
separate membership list for the 
Dkraina, White Russia, and the Near and 
Far East. Seventy- five comrades were in- 
vited, all of whom have arrived and were 
given a decisive vote. 
The Czechoslovak Party stated its 
embership to be. 170,000. 125,000 mem- 
bers having paid their fees during the 



have arrived and wore admitted t< 
Congress with a decisive vote. 

The Ukrainian Communist Party sta 
ted its membership to be 80,000, ten com" 
rades were invited, fifteen comrades have 
arried, out of whom 10 were given a 
decisive and 5 a deliberative vote? 

The Norwegian Party 



tials are in order._ 



bership to be 60,000, six comrades were 
invited, of whom 5 have arrived and were 
admitted with a decisive vote. 

The Communist Party of Yugo-Slavia 
claims a membership of 80,000. Sis corns 
rades were invited. Considerable diflri 
rence of opinion has arisen in connection 
with the distribution of the credentials 
among these delegates. The Central 



The Finnish Party has 25,000 members 
on the books; of these 20,000 are full 
ravin 0, members, six delegates were asked 
for seven have come. Their credentials 
have been ratified. 

The C. P. of Spain has about 5000 
tated its mem- members. Three delegates \vere invited 



four have come. Three have been given 
mandates with the right to vote, one has 
been given a consultative voice. 

The C. P. of Roumania lias about 2000 
members. Four delegates were invited, 
three have come. These three have been 
admitted to the Congress with the right 
to vote. 

The C. P. of Sweden has 12,143 mem- 
bers on the books. During the last quar- 
ter, 7,843 members paid full dues. Six 



alloted 6 credential, but only 4 of the 
appointed comrades have arrived. In 

their stead, 2 other members have arrived delegates were invited and six have come, 

on invitation by the Presidium owing to All have been admitted to the Congress 

the fact that the Party differences were with the right to vote. 

to be settled here at the Congress. A Com- The C. P. of Latvia has 1500 members, 

mission for the Yugo-Slavian question was Six delegates were invited, eight have 

last quarter, twenty comrades were invi- also appointed here. The two comrades, come. Six have been admitted with the 

a decisive Ltt V Q am Md were S iven who in their capacity of visitors were right to vote, and two with a consulta- 

f fiJf + ; + u L - admitted to the Congress with a delibe- five voice. 

>aD*^ rate vote, protest against this, demanding Phe C. P. of Switzerland has 5,200 

IIH . Sf n „ f m ? P n n nS nn Lea S u e with a m em- to be admitted with a decisive vote. The members. Three delegates were invited, 

werf allotted So d^f,f?Pvn?p e Pr ? fl " ter 1 n credentials Commission refused to comply tee have come, and have been admitted 

oi thZnrJLiii \ votes each. Each with their demand. But the comrade, to the Congress with the right to vote 

-at Theif SnTi haS SGn 2 °, Me - claim that at the election b ^ the Cen f J h t Austrian Party has about lb 000 

gfes. Then credentials were found cor- Committee, one of the comrades who has members. Three delegates ; we T invited- 

The British P,,fv ot ltn ,i •+ ,. arrived; was rejected by 4:4 votes, w * ca Jje. Pour delegates were admitted 

its member- the other by 3:5 votes. The credential Jith the right to vote and two with a 




represent 

its work 



a 
is 

illegal Four delegates were 
one has come, and ha;-, 



three admitted with consultative voice. 

TheC. P. oi Belgpim has 517 men: 
One delegate was invited, one has com", 
and has been admitted with the righ 
vote, 

The C. P. ol China has SOO members, 
of whom 180 are full paying memb 
Three delegates were invited, one came, 
and has deen admitted with the rigb 
vote. 

• The C. P. of India cannot 
definite membep.ship, since 
entirely 
invited", 

admitted to the Congress with the. right 
to vote. 

The C. P. of Ireland. Three delegates 
were invited, four have come, three 
admitted with the right to vote, and one 
with a consultative voice. 

The C. P. Azerbaijan. Two delegat 
were invited, three' have come. Two 
admitted with the. right to vote, one with 
a consultative voice. 

The C. P. of Georgia lias 18,811 mem- 
bers. Two delegates were invited, three 
have come. Two delegates have been 
admitted with the right to vote, and one 
with a consultative voice. 

The C. P. of Lithuania has 1000 mem- 
bers on the books, 500 being full paying 
members. One delegate was invited, two 
have come. Both have been admitted 
with the right to vote, 

The C. P- of Esthonia has 2,800 mem- 
bers. Two delegates were invited, three 
have come. Two were admitted with the 
right to vote, and one with a consultative 
voice. 

The C. P. of Denmark has 1,200 mem- 
bers on the books, of whom 780 are full 
paying members. Two delegates were 
invited, three have come. One admitted! 
with the right to vote, two with coi 
tative voice. 

The C. P. of Persia has 1009 memb 
500 of these being full paying members. 
Two delegates were invited, three have 
come. Two have been admitted with 
right to vote, one with a consul: 
voice. 

In Turkey there are now two Par; 
that of Constantinople and thai of Ans 
The Angora Party has about 300 mem 
two delegates w r ere invited, six have c 
two have been admitted with the 
to vote, two were given visitors' cards, 




BULLETIN OF THE I\ CONGRESS 



delegates were 




me; 
e right to vote, 

t has 900 members, 
[0 are lull paying .members, 
legates were 



anc ' th, 



of Crimea has sent one dele- 



and one with a 



invited,' four have 



o^n-e "admitted with the ^ right 
;iml two with a consultative 






P. of Argentina has about 3,500 
Two delegates were invited, 



£?££ K SB »t ™ ta S 



iers. 

have oom e 
wiiii the risjht to vote. 
The C. P*of Africa has 200 members 
the books, 100 or these being Ml 
members. One delegate 



admitted with the 
other has been 

Tte C.P. of Chiwa. One delegate 'i T ]ie ?* P 'hfs he^radmittel with a con- 
invited but has not yet arrived H&ate, * b0 JK 

The C.P. ol Bukhara One delegate. ^iSn Republic has sent one 
invited. One came, and has been adm ' The Mountain x * admitted with i 

with the right to vote. mtl, M 

The C.P. ol Mongolia has about 1 1 
members. One delegate was invited '! 
has come. He was admitted with a con™ 
tative voice only, for the Mongolian Pa* 
has not yet affiliated to the C.I 

The Communist Party of Korea 



OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 



aeW te * h ° 






lK?Spttan Party has also sent 
rh< L^J-Tin has been admitted 



with a 



Since, however, there 



four 
are 



On, 



have cor 
fierce 



; v ; members. One delegate was 
two have come. One has been 
Emitted wUh tne right to vote, and one 
with a consultative voice. 

The C P- of Java. The exact mem- 

ucr hip cannot be given, but the Party 

Krobably about 1,300 members One 

■•ate was invited, one came and nas 

been admitted with the right to vote. 

ie C P. of Canada has 4,810 mem- 
bers. One delegate was invited, three 
have come. One delegate was admitted 
with the right to vote, and two with a 
consultative voice. 

The C r. of Portugal has 2,900 mem- 
bers on the books, 1,702 being full paying- 
members. One delegate was invited, two 
have come. One was admitted with the 
right to vote, and one with a consulta- 
tive voice. 

The C.P. of Chili has about 2,000 mem- 
bers. One delegate was invited. This 
comrade did not arrive until yesterday 
evening, and his credentials have not 
been examined. 
The C.P. of Urugvay has about 1,000 mem- 
bers. One delegate was invited, one came, 
and has been admitted with the right to 
vote. 

The C.P. of Brazil has about 500 mem- 
bers. One delegate was invited, one has 
come, and has been admitted with the 
right to vote. 

The C.P. of Mexico has about 1,500 
members. One delegate has been invited, 
one has come, and was admitted with 
the right to vote. 

The C.P. of Armenia. One delegate was 
invited, two have come. One has been 




struggles among the Communists in Korea 
it is difficult to determine which of these 
delegtes represent a genuine CommuiJ 
Party. In these circumtances two of th? 
delegates were admitted as visitors, and 
two were refused admission. 

The Communist Party of Iceland has 
about 4,000 members, but the Party as j 
whole is still Menshevist in outlook, 
There is, however, a fraction comprising 
450 communists, and this fraction has- 
been admitted to the G.I. One delegate 
was invited, one came, and his credeaj 
tials were recognised, with the right* 
vote. ^ 

The Communist Parly of Fiume ha~ 
about 150 members on the books. Out 
delegate is on the way to Moscow, and 
on arrival will be admitted to the Con- 
gress with the right to vote. 

The Communist Party of Palestine. 
One delegate was invited, and is now on 
the way to Moscow. 
; The C.P. of Greece. One delegate was 
invited, but has not yet come. 

The C.P. of Hungary. Three delegates 
were invited, seven delegates were ap- 
pointed by the Presidium of the 0.1. »J ; -x^t^ uy w uv>v, 
we admitted by the mandate comnji* h een admitted with a consultative voice, 
sion with the right to vote, seeing tlia There has also come a reprentative from 
the C.P. is illegal in Hungary and .dm the U. S. A. to the Agrarian Comission, 
not yet been able to become establish and he has been admitted with a con- 
in that country. rl J ^ltative voice. 

One delegate was invited from TarKj N y let me gay a few wor< is regarding 
stan He has come, and has been admit™ certain cases in which the Mandate Co- 
with a consultative voice. p J ji^jon found it necessary to refuse cre- 

• TheUigurian Section of the OM ^ntaals 

Turkestan sent three delegates. One; itjo delegates were sent by the F o- 
admitted with a consultative voice^. » Bureau of the C P of 
other two have been given visitoi er S1 a This P. B.was dissolved by 
car( ig { Comintern more than 6 months ago. 

^inn - e /T y ' however, it continues to exist, 
1Le it has sent two delegates to Moscow. 



c0 SS?re have also been admitted with a 

«S*tive voice: one representative of 
ff Women's International; one represen- 

*• 1 n f the Famine Relief. 
ta Thl completes the list of the C.P. that 
J r finvite§ to send delegates to the 
Cress and that have done so. 

in all 350 delegates were invited to 
the Congress, and 394 have come 01 

ese 340 have been given the right to 
vnte and 48 have been given a consul- 
tative voice, while 5 delegates have been 
,Tiven visitors' cards. 

* In addition, a special invitation was 
sent by the Presidium of the congress to 
the Italian Socialist Party, asking for 5 
delegates. Five were sent, and have been 
admitted with a consultative voice. 

The opposition in Czecho- Slovakia was 
nvited to send 3 comrades. They have 
come, and have been admitted with a 
consultative voice. 

Two comrades were invited to the ses- 
sions of the Program Comission and were 
admitted with a consultative voice. 

Two- comrades, Erossard and Cachin, 
were invited from France. They have not 
yet arrived, but according to the latest 
telegrams they are on the way. 

A comrade has also been invited from 
Norway, but has not yet arrived. 

Of these specially invited comrades, 10 
have arrived up to now, and have all 



The Mandate Commission thought it iv 
sary to refuse credentials. 

The recognition of the mandates of th»- 
C. P. ol Austria entailed difficulties. TJ 
comrades came from Austria-with ered 
tials given in Vienna on October 17 and 
19. One of them left Vienna as early as 
October 19. On October 22 we received 
a telegram from the Executive Committee 
of the Austrian Party cancelling three 
credentials, and consolidating all the cre- 
dentials upon the Austrian representative 
on the executive, comrade Grim. The te- 
legram stated that the Austrian Party 
could not afford to defray the travelling 
expenses of the three delegates to Moscow; 
Notwithstanding this telegram, the three 
delegates arrived. Thus, we had, on the 
one hand, Comrade Grtin with three cre- 
dentials; and on the other hand the three 
delegates with what they regarded as 
valid credentials from the Austrian Exe- 
cutive Committee. The Mandate Comission 
decided, on the proposal : of the four 
Austrian comrades, to recognise the cre- 
dentials of the three who had specially 
come from Vienna, and also tn give the 
right to vote to the fourth comrade. Thus 
the Austrian Party has 4 duely accredi- 
ted representatives. 

The women's Section of the 
Eastern Division, represented by 
their leader Kasparova, asked for a man- 
date with the right to vote. The applica^ 
lion was refused. 

Speaking generally the distribution of 
mandates conveying the right to vote and 
of mandates giving a consultative voice 
merely (when there were numerous dele- 
gates wrh valid credentials) has been 
effected on the following principles. As 
a rule those comrades who have come 
from their respective countries direct to 
the congress have been given the right 
to vote, whereas these comrades who had 
been for some time resident in Moscow 
and were no" longer in direct touch 
with their respective countries, have been 
given a consultative voice only. 

Furthermore, upon the instructions of 
the Presidium there were admitted to the 
Congress of the Comintern with a 
sultative voice all the delegates to 
Prof intern congress, and those delegates 
to the Young Communists Congress who 
had already arrived in Moscow were a 
visitors cards for the Comintern Congr SB. 



BULLETIN OF THE IV CONGRESS 



OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 



Amission with ft consultative voice was 
also wanted to two of the delegates to 
the Cooperative Congress, seeing that the 
auestion of cooperation is under discus- 
al the Comintern Congress and these 
nvo comrades had. therefore, to work 
rnon the commission. 

This ends the report of the Mandate 
Commission. la sk you in the name of the 
Commission to recognise tiie mandates 
and to ratify the decisions of the Com- 
mission. 

Wireles message from lugo- 
- la via. 

In' the name of the 3 Comrades of the 
Yugoslavian delegation, I have to make 
the following declaration: 

The Presidium has admitted 2 comra- 
des to the Congress with the right to 
vote. Therein the Presidium has adopted 
the outlook that these 2 comrades speak 
in the name of a special group. These 
comrades arid groups do not express 
their views as such. Indeed, in the ses- 
sion on the Executive when the question 
of the delegation was under discussion 
they said that these comrades did not 
exist as a group. These 2 comrades, accor- 
ding to their own declaration, do not 
represent any sort of group. If there is 
any warrant "for speaking of such a group, 
this group is represented by one member 
of the delegation. For this reason, we 
take up the position that these 2 comra- 
des cannot properly be recognized by the 
' onaress as members of the delegation. 
Jn the event of the Congress adopting 
such a decision, and with due regard to 
the consequences in Yugoslavia, the other 
| aelegates would be compelled to with- 
draw from the Congress. I wish to make 
he foregoing declaration in the name of 
liese 3 comrades. 

H u m b e r t-D r o z: In order to solve 
"be crisis in the Yugo-Slavian Communist 
arty, the Executive has found necessary 
> invite comrades Pavlovitch, Navako- 

ch and other representatives of the 

fmonty of the Party to come to Moscow 

to submit and defend their point of view 

The Presidium thinks the moral gua- 

wlthln tb° P r p a t UUm -f, the fences 

v-:n n Part 3V V0Illd be famished by 

giving the comrades Pavlovitch and Na- 

EftS^teh the opportunity to take nart 

,;» wkofthe Congress, not Inly 

two consultative votes, but also 



Markhlevsky: The French 



by the Presidium in the in? V 
composing the differences S ests 
Party ranks It should bv w n X 3M 



with two deciding rotes in n 

the Yugo-Slavian Delegation ddltl °l t t Chairman {f» rK sent in / a declaration 
This mandate has been given , tf'D^^^in ask to be read. 

+.h* PrftsWinm «„ ..§ lv ^totu w -^ch I ^itDroz- The French Delega- 

lUl Hhes to be permitted the right of 
tf f f L changes in the distribution 
l ft mandates until the arrival of com- 
ol fl who are on their way to Moscow. 
ra ptirman Markhlevsky: Taking 
The congress will have to gi ve it „ , .Consideration the objection made by 
cision on the crisis in the Ymm s $ ' in vno-o-Slavian Delegation to the deci- 
Party, after hearing the Renoi-t S^ the '* nf the Credentials Committee, 1 
Commission. 



Party ranks It should by no J* ^ 
interpreted as taking a prejudiced lj f 
tion in the controversy, and sWi^ 
serve as a precedent. • "-"JUKI j|g 



sion 



Eadek: Comrades, I do not hitpm 
intervene in the Party controver 



will take a 



vote on the question, after 



Yugo-Slavia. I merely 'wish to < 



ersy |j 



word or two in answer to the Yukosu" 
vian representative. He declared that i 
Congress were to accept the mandat 
these comrades would find them seW 
compelled to withdraw from the ConW 

This declaration shows that our & coir' 
rade is far from being in real contad 
with the spirit and methods of thevori; 
of the Communist International. It is % 
first time that I hear a delegate to dec- 
lare that if Congress decides against hi* 
he would withdraw. These are thins 
that suit only those who are now outsid-a| 
of the Communist International, 
instance the K. A. P. D. Every delegab 
here should know oi the imperative duty 
to submit to the decisions of this sove- 
reign Congress. For this reason I consi- 
der the declaration as absolutely irrele- 
vent and detrimental to the movement. 

With regard to the substance of tin 
question, the Presidium has clearly sta- 
ted the grounds upon which it acted. T 
this I merely wish to add a few words 
The Yugo-Slavian Party is an illeg* 
Party. In such an organisation it is * 
thousant times easier for differences U 
arise and a thousand times more diffifl* 
to solve them than it is the case in P ar 
ties which are able to work legally fl 
such a situation it would be criminal oc 
the part of the Presidium if it did § 
do the utmost to keep the comrades w 
gether. Further I wish to say both cm 
rades have received a great number • 
votes. The Party has not made u 
the whole number of mandates at . 
disposal. Thus, even formally the ae; 
sion of the Presidium takes into conS t W^ 
ration the relations which prevail *iw 79 
the Y r ugo-Slavian Party. 



no further objections will be ac- 
ited I will now take the vote, comra- 
i Those against the decision of the 
Presidium with regard to the Yugo-Sla- 
vian mandate please raise their hand. 
There being nobody against, I take it 
that the decision of the Presidium has 
been adopted unanimously. 

We will now take a vote, on the roport 
of the Credentials' Committee. Those 
ao-ainst the report, raise their hands. The 
report is carried unanimously. 

Now, comrades, we may continue the dis- 
cussion of the Capitalist Offensive. As the. 
list of speakers is still open, the Presidium 
proposes that the list be now closed. We 
have added on the list the names of 
Comrade Raven stein — Holland, Stern- 
Austria, Webb— Great Britain, Hornle— 
Germany, Katayama — Japan. Hentges— 
France, and Welti— Switzerland. 

The Presidium lias also received the 
intimation that the Yugo-Slavian Delega- 
tion bows to the decision of the Presi- 
dium. (Cheers). 

Now, those in favour oi" closing the 
speakers' list, let them raise their hands. 
The speakers' list is closed. Comrade 
Ravenstein has the floor. 

Ravenstein (Holland): Comrades, one 
could not demand the floor to debate on 
Comrade Trotzky's report without being 
suspected of disagreement with the im- 
portant as well as forceful, arguments of 
j>ne of the leading spirits of the Russian 
Revolution. Nevertheless, comrades, these 
arguments call for some remarks, not so 
TOh on the main part of Trotzky's re- 
port, but on the part where he" spoke 
a tout the prospects of the World Revo- 
W« and the probable political develop- 
"] -v 11 ? ln Weste rn Europe. Comrade Trot- 
F? drew attention to the danger of re- 
sist and pacifist illusions in the Wes- 



tern Parties. Well, in the light of the 
experiences of last year, there can be no 
two opinions on that score. But he went 
on to say that the political backgroui 
for such illusions would probably be 
extremely favourable for some time 
come. This view he based on the assump- 
tion that the political developments Oi 
the Western countries will quite eas 
lead to a bloc, and consequently to a 
government of petty bourgeois pacifist 
elements, a bloc of the Left, so to speak, 
which would lay claim to the support 
of the Labour Parties. In such a con- 
tingency there would be considerable 
danger of such a bloc gaining support 
from Communists, or at least an inclina- 
tion to such support. He said, for instance, 
that in England the victory of the Unio- 
nists and National Liberals at the forth- 
coming elections were assured. On the 
other hand, he pointed out the probabi- 
lity that this coalition would not hold 
together very long, and that the Labour 
Party might be called upon to form a 
goverment. Comrade Trotzky was follo- 
wed by Comrade Radek who dealt v. 
this question at some length, and I gained 
the impression— 1 believe in company 
with many others— that Comrade Radek 
was not quite at one with Comrade 
Trotzky in his views upon this subject, 
I was particulary pleased with that pan 
of Comrade Radek's speech, this I wish 
particularly to emphasise— where he indi- 
cated the danger of extreme reaction, i,**. 
monarchist or fascist reaction through- 
out Central Europe. There is in- 
deed, a historic parallel for such danger 
in the experiences of the French Revolu- 
tion, such as the movement in the "\ en- 
dee, and to a certain extent also in the 
royalist counter - revolution in Spain 
againts the Cortes, and partly also in the 
rise of Bonapartism in 1S52. 

Comrade Radek thus indicated the 
extremist and conspirative nature oi 
danger of counter-revolution throughout 
Central Europe, one might say from Si- 
cily to the Elba. This indicatio 
to me all the more important because i 
my opinion the German Labour m 
ment. and even the German Co 
Part> , fails to realise the extreme g 
of this danger. When listening 
representative of the German 
who argued againts Radi 




tnrade av 

it depends on (In- will of 
Ruppreeht. wheth 

nld bo revived to 
in Bavaria, and consequently 
I, in Austria, in Hungary 
coneomitanl recrudescence 
lirectod uol only against 
nmunlsts, but also against the 
d-Democrats and the Labour Move- 
Whole. Comrades, I am of 
that it the German comrade 
vie-w of this fact, he 
would perhaps have spoken in a diferent 

Another thing that pleased me in Com- 
Radek's remarks was his clear and 
indication of the dangerous poli- 
bservable also in the coun- 
of v. estern Europe, which have 
their old bourgeois culture and tradition 
ontra-distinction to Central Europe. 
oce and England are naturally the 
ling examples, and what is happening 
today in England is probably symptomatic 
&J likely developments in other West 
|iean countries. Comrade Fadek said: 
cal events in England are at first 
sight misleading. The Unionists went into 
tiie election campaign, so to speak, witli- 
t program, without ideas, without 
ing any promises, and one has to use 
■ roscope to discern any substantial 
between Mr. Lloyd George and 
Buuai Law. Unite so! But Bonar Law is 
pical representative of reaction among 
British middle class. And the British 
demands the removal of the 
taxation which oppresses them 
also want retrenchment and the ut- 
economy of State expenditure 
Similar tendencies are observable in so 
bourgeois country as Holland, which 
is all the ideological currents of the 
bourgeois world, and in which the hour- 
geoisio is particularly well informed of 
•ywythiDg that Holland is also an impe- 
country of great importance. The 
extremists look back found] v to 
g«P old liberal ideology in its crudest 

n?S CfaDg °U he Manchester school 

■ « Lci;dumsm. There are among them 

1 toabcal and theoretical politicians 

?uld want to do away with -ill 

legislation. Down witif all laws 

ng labour! This comment has" 

Qteipart, even d not in such extreme 



OF THE l\ CONGRffS! 



,!!•; COMMUNIST INTERNATIO 



t form, almost in all the other bour, 
parties and even among part oi tl !f ! 
king class which are still undo 
influence of the bourgeois parties 'k- 
the dominating factor of present ^ sis 
litics in all the old bourgcote J±J> 
like Englan,! Kranr,, HHgium and H & 
It should be borne in mind that n-nii 
lary in these countries, which have 2 
maintained a stable currency do 
imperialist interests insist upon suolll 
policy. In England or Holland, for instant S 
the necessary funds could not be rai2 
for an aggresive imperialist policy with 
out cutting down the expenditures Z 
social legislation. 

This development of events knock out 
the bottom of the labour parties and even 
of the reformist and pacifist bourgeois 
groups. Thus we have seen in the last 
elections in Holland, a small but effective 
example of an imperialist country, where 
such men as the head of the Royal Dutch 
Shell Petroleum Company, Herr Corp 
are complete rulers oi" the country in spite 
of universal suffrage and democratic in- 
stitutions. 

This seems to me to be the trend of 
events also in England. The Labour Partyj 
is being brushed aside and pressed aga- 
inst the wall, so to speak. Can anyone 
expect a Henderson or a Clynes to suc- 
ceed where the much more capable men 
as Troelstra in Holland have failed, namely 
to come to the helm by the aid of the 
petty bourgeois catholic centre, which 
forms the strongest party in our country, 
and has hundreds of thousands of workers 
under its influnence. This is entirely out 
of the question now as well as in the 
future, so long as the imperialist State 
and imperialist interests maintain their 
positions. 

The same trend of development we 
witness in Prance. Also there, in my 
opinion, the time has gone for a bloc ot 
the Left and will never come back again. 
The radical- socialist partv there disap- 
peared even before the war. During the war 
the openly reactionary parties gam ea 
considerable straight. The development 
of Prance has been well treated in a11 
instructive little book by the well-know' 1 
ex Premier Caillaux, entitled "Ou » 
1 'Europe, ou va la France". 1 regret no 
having time to speak at greater leMf™ 
upon the subject. At any rate, I thin* 



is <i uittt 
liven h\ 



clear 



the Western 

vival of bour-.ni. 



that there are d 

, tries for .i re- 
M'fonnisni, radica I 



"a pacifism- 

' wh'it conclusions are we to draw. Of 

this ought to make us realise the 

coa £ritv ofthe United Front, of a vigorous 

11>; nf all the Droletarian elements under 
union oi <"» <" x 
leadership of 



the 



Communist. I would 
m^Vlv' wish to add thai at least in the 
counties which T have mentioned the 
o called pure bourgeois countries, where 
historically pure bourgeois ideology pre- 
vails the idea and the slogan of Workers' 
Government is groundless as well as 
Utopian. In imperialist countries with 
o-reat oversea colonies, like England, 
France, Belgium and Holland— which to- 
gether 'form a type, so to speak, one 
would rather expect the influence on po- 
litical events to emanate from the East. 
This is in my opinion an absolute fact. 
The capitalism of these countries is tied 
up with those oversea colonies like the 
Siamese twins i. e. in life and death. This 
union was even strengthened by the war. 
Every upheaval in the oversea dominions 
jrmst find its deepest echo in the impe- 
rialist ruling country. 



In conclusion, i wish to point out that 
it is an altogether mistaken idea to ex- 
pect either Henderson and Clynes in 
England orLonguet and Blum in France, 
to be able to form a government relying 
upon the bourgeois reformist elements. 
The Hendersons and Clynes, Longuets, 
Vanderveldes, Troelstras and Viegens 
could only serve their highest purpose 
as ministers in an imperialist United Front, 
tfut the imperialist United Pront could 
certainly not be brought within the strict 
uenmtion of the term of Workers' Govern- 
ment. 

thl tlle ^ efore come to the conclusion that 

"proletarian United Front is the great 

uicai lme Qf guidance for ftll capitalist 

W ■ * ere tlle Proletariat has not yet 
of tiJ 10US without any distinction 
traaitinA Spec ; Uve hisfc01 T> culture and 
govern?- ° n the other ha°d, the workers' 
special • can be considered only for 
Central ^ CUmstan ces that may arise in 
PountrL l V y* and Perhaps in other 
foatti?" i hese cou -ntries it has its 
W the n«- a * i * Bllt on] y nnder the method 
united Front of the entire prole- 



tariat can the Communis! luti 
fight and win throughout the world. 

■ r n (Austria): Coi 
dering the cfttestion of the cap 
offehi Ive, it. ■ me that two que- 

stions ate of particular importance. Firstly, 
does this capitalist offensive mean that 
we are approaching a. more or less pro- 
Longed period during which world reaction 
will prove stronger than the world pro- 
letariat? Secondly, in what, manner can 
we avoid becoming reformists or be taken 
for reformists in this struggle for partial 
demands which h Ton us. 

As to the first question the meaning 
of the capitalist offensive, it is sufficient 
for those who might think that the capi- 
talist offensive means the predomination 
of the opponents of world communism, 
to turn their attention to Austria. In its 
development Austria might well serve as 
a model for other countries which do not 
realise to-day that a similar development 
is perhaps in store for them. In Austria 
one can see quite clearly that the capi- 
talist offensive is nothing but the 
desparate attempt to save itself by any 
means. The bourgeoisie has doue its ut- 
most to save itself from destruction. It 
reduced the real wage of the working 
class to the lowest possible minimum. 
In its offensive- it used the most cunning 
means to save itself from destrr. 
and yet it has only succeeded in haste- 
ning the collapse. We have reached the 
point in Austria when even the cleverest 
representatives of the bourgeoisie, had 
quite openly to admit the total failure 
of the bourgeois policy, and the impossi- 
bility of undertaking anything in Austria. 

The Geneva agreement means that the 
world bourgeoisie recognised the hopeless 
position of the Austria bourgeoisie, and 
is coming to its assistance. The world 
bourgeoisie is fully aware that the im- 
portance of Austria is far greater than 
is commensurate with the size of its ter- 
ritory, and for that reason is coming to 
its assistance. It wishes to carr, 
offensive against the working class still 
further by a more forcible dictate 
in order to obtain breathing time. 

From this view point the Austrian pro- 
blem is of international significance, n 
only strategically, because Austria is th< 
connection link between Czechoslovakia 
and Yugo-Slavia, between fascist Italy 









10 



BULLETIN OF THE IV CONGRESS 



(unv and between Hungary and 
iria, bid because we are fully aware 
Austria thai the bourgeoisie is afraid 
oletariat assuming the counter 
asivefin spite of the collapse and the 
emelv difficult conditions), and be- 
se it 'wains to win for itself a power- 
ful position in the great straggle. 

imrades, I am of the opinion that in 
connect ion with the Austrian events our 
International will be confronted with new 
,s in the near future. In a situation 
such as prevails in Austria International 
action in the form of the United Front 
is absolutely necessary. But, there is no 
one to undertake such action. The Aust- 
rian proletariat by itself is too weak to 
repulse the attack of its bourgeoisie which 
has the assistance of th* world bourgeoisie 
of other States. The proletarians of the 
other countries must come to the rescue 
and I am of the opinion that in this res- 
pect it is the duty of the International 
not only to organise itself as a party, 
but also to asssme a leading role and 
take action. 

In a case like that of Austria, the 
International must approach the 1 workers 
and the communist parties of the res- 
pective countries, must explain to them 
the International significance of this par- 
ticular case and must induce communist 
parties to take action in the interest of 
niis Austrian proletariat in that- of the 
world proletariat. Of course, I do not 
mean a putsch, nor action which the 
proletariat of the respective countries is 
not capable of undertaking, hut action 
of the nature of the United Front. What 
I want to say, is— that the parties of the 
respective countries must call upon the 
entire proletariat to come forward in the 
interests of the Austrian proletariat. Just 
as tne French comrades were told here 
that m order to act in the United Front 
spirit they must not wait until they are 
as ideal party, the Internationa] must 
j ; so say that these parties must not wS 
ratal they are a solid world partv bv 

vening m tlm general straggle between 

- ui such actions are required. We 

tha the struggle is extending inter- 

£S } e IS0 ated druggies between 

Aienam S mto Struffff es nf ff m««« 3 






struggles of groups of 



the bourgeoisie of the various c 
against the proletariat of those nnlf 
Therefore, the Tnternntin,Jf „ C ° u >Uri 



OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 



the social -de - 



upon this development in the sanS ii 
and must act accordingly. ^m 

Comjades,^also^ in another direct 

% 
to apply the tactics of''the"utiit e d \£} 
under particularly difficult circumsi,* 1!! 
I believe that our experience i n X 6 ?' 
has shown that the United Front taS 
can be also successfully applied in ? 
tries where a small party is con gJ 
ting a powerful party. The application! 
the United hront tactics is particuS 
difficult under such circumstances fc? 
cause the big party is in the position I 
give wrong information to the wqrkin 
class, to distort everything and to caW 
niate the small party. Even when we «,* 
not able to get into contact with th< 
masses thrmigh the press and by mean* 
of meetings, it was proved in" Austria 
that in spite of this the United From 
tactics can be successful. We had afe 
seen in Austria the connection betvea 
the United Front tactics from above aad 
from below. We have seen that even wlwfg|-- 
a big party is too proud to recognise i\\> 
small party, it is advisable to approac: 
the leading organisations, in order to in " 
crease in this way the pressure of the 
masses from below. "We saw this on the 
first of May when the, social-democratic 
party wished to push us aside and Avhec 
the social-democtatic workers compelled 
the leaders of their party (regardless 
their watchwords) to hold joint meetings 
at which communist speakers were allow- 
ed to address the masses. ' 

These tactics were particularly suc- 
cessful in the struggle of the tramwaj 
workers most of whom were social de- 
mocrats. The result of our support in » 
spirit of the United Front tactics 
that at the last election of the official 
of the tramway workers, when all 1! 
social democratic candidates were de$ 
ted and the communists and oppos 



, De came known 
the la « c ' n0 t ashamed to hint that 



Therefore, the International' muTi^W inocrats .-- d 

„ m r this develnnm 01 -,f ,■« AL „ Inm [ , nV would be ieau,y 

- n t. We took up the struggle with 



to swallow thi 



form Of government. Under certain cir- 
cumstance's this watchword might prove 
very dangerous. But we had to bring it 
forward in order to compel the others 
agreeniei • ener „ yj using the tactics of to adopt watchwords which it would be 
the ffited Front and pointing out what their duty to adopt if they were honest 
Austria is an example from which? tlu \ u f „i-p if the social democrats are in their desire to struggle for their own 
can alljearn.^we^ m ^Austria were a fi is Sn willing to defend their much demands, and also as a counter watch- 

id democracy. By this means we word to that of the coalition government, 
belove +j ie social-democrats to put at by which the social-democrats wished to 
com pe u 




evade the struggle. 



S ' t a pretence of a struggle. This sham 
r ht has shown how little reason we 1 think that there are two kinds of 
1 to fear (as some comrades are doing) coalition governments, according to the 



ifY bv "compelling the social-democrats period in which they are estabished. "When 
I take part in a struggle, they might direct power was possible, the object ot 

near to the masses as revolutionaries, the coalition government was to break 
Whenever we succeed in compelling the down the workers' will to fight and to 
reformists to take part in the struggle, save the power otfhe bourgeoisie. We were 
it is easier for us to carry out and able, wherever it was possible, to bring 
explain the tactics of the United Front. 

For instance, if the Austrian social- 
democrats had said that the Geneva 
ar^eement must be accepted if we are 
not to die of hunger, many workers would 



forward the dictatorship of the proletariat 
against such a coalition government. 
There is at present another kind of 
coalition policy, which simply means that 
the social- democrats are not even willing 



have probably believed them. When how- to put up a fight for their partial de- 

ever, the Austrian social-democrats are mands. The only way to make this fact 

compelled to say that the Geneva agree- known, is to bring forward watchwords 

ment is a dishonest agreement and means showing clearly what must be done in 

slavery for us, we say to the workers: a struggle for the demands of the social- 



draw your conclusions from this and 
frustrate the agreement; it is easy then 
for us to make our movement go forward, 
I venture to say that the tactic of the 
United Front will be all the more 



democrats. Such a watchword is the wor- 
kers' government. 

I do not say that we can bring forward 
this watchword because we know that 
the social-democrats will not fight, on 



suecenfull the more we succeed in dri- the contrary, we must bring it forward 



ving the reformists forward under the 
pressure of the masses. We are not 
under the illusion that the social-demo- 
crats and the reformists will ever be 
willing to fight. But it does not seem 
impossible to me that we might under 
certain conditions succeeed in making 
them fight againss their will. Of course, 



in spite of the fact that the social-demo- 
crats will not fight. We say to them we 
cannot yet light for the dictatorship of 
the' proletariat, but we are willing to 
fight for your demands if you will 
seriously stand up for the workers, govern- 
ment. This is not hypocrisy, and it will 
help to unmask the others, because we 



|t will not -be an honest and a willing are willing in all seriousness to support 
hght. It will be a fight which at the every honest struggle, 
decisive moment will be followed by a 



sitioi 

tfhe' 



candidates received all the votes. ■ 
the social democrats annuled this eleooj 
and instituted another election, they vj- 
again defeated, getting still lower ™; 
than before. We also applied tin- 
tics with considerable success in con" a 
tion with the Geneva agreement. " 



betrayal. However, even this pressure, 
"■us gradual mobilisation of the masses 
are ot great advantage and significance 
«« us. It i s also in this sense that the 
hi j 11 of tlle workers' government must 
,.J n d «ptood. In the watchword of the 
thin^i 3 f y ' overamrat I do not see any- 
of t £ tt a P art of the communist tactics 
Sa'X nited Front. We did not want the 
mp5« « rd oi tile workers' government to 
iea n that we demand this as an ideal 



Therefore, I should like to say in con- 
clusion that the present application of 
the United Front tactics seems to me to 
be somewhat different from the form 
which it took before. At first the United 
Front tactics served to cover the re 
of the proletariat all along the line, r.ow 
it seems to me they cover the gathering 
of the Forces and the preparation for the 
new march forward. It is true that 
reactionaries are advancing all along tin- 
line. We see this quite plainly in Central 



tturv ad 
im'ii would I..' defeated, 
ling but Hi.' beginning 
I new at1 
'. us lo say new: rhe 
r a on< 
thmaries, we can 
preparing the 
We see 
mies marching against each 
move is of importance in 
:i opponents, the prole- 
all along the line and 
parate partial demand, and 
other tactics can be 
but those of the United Front. 

Webb, (England). Comrades, 
speak upon the offensive of 

n not only from the point of 
the development of the capitalist 
in Britain, but also from the 
view of the offensive of capita- 
ither countries. In England, the 
; offensive during the years 
I, 1922, has been more intensified than 
any other country in Europe. The 
us of the working class, the economic 
s of the working class, have 
during these two years 
in unprecedented manner so far as 
the history of the modern working class 
iritain is concerned. In 1921 Ave had 
lockout which was preci- 
d by the coal owners in Britain 
working in the closest relationship with 
British Government. You know that 
rovernment promised not to decontrol 
s until August 1921. But they 
ntrolled the mines in the March 
of 1921 in order that there should 
e preparation by the organized 
trial forces of the working class- 
to prevent the workers achieving their 
■to divide the miners and the 
ueraily, so that the 
help the miners, 
we witness during this great 
miners in 1924. We wit- 
ure of the Triple Alliance 
h the workers of Britain had 
eat hopes since the armistice 
You are aware of the details 
main with regard to the failure 



of the tt 
thai h.n 



I'ripl 

thi 



e Ml 



lance. There 
miners 









I Slit this 



y< !i ! ' 






,( *n assisted >„. 
and railway 



their difficulty, the situation ft 
today would have been radically 
and the better..,} conditions of tl 
strial working class „r Britain 2S& 
undoubtedly have had their reactions i21 
tatus of the European proletariat 
a whole. During these, days 1,500 ooota 
of coal were imported into Great it,.,.' 1 
(Radek: From America). Br,ta 

The Amsterdam International pro 
their complete bankruptcy, alone wfl 
the Second International by their inablM 
to rally the industrial forces to the 1 
of the miners. Prank Hodges, of the i\ 
uers Federation, speaking at the recefll 
Trade Union Congress when the queS 
iif affiliation to the Red International ™ 
an issue declared that he himself had 
personally made efforts to get joint action 
to prevent the coal from being imported 
into Britain, Hodges had to admit the 
total incapacity of the Amsterdam Inter. 
national to measure up to the situation 
which then existed. At the same \m 
we members of the Communist Interna 



with 



th< i' 

( |i ral 



to th< 






I he engmei 

attention to the transport 

■ u ,ct centralized organizatn 



,at ■ arm 
the ! 

,»l lie 

the capitalist offen 

at tin capital 

,.| Heir blov. 

ing broken 

woi Icei . 1 1 • 
iwon, the 
1,1 ;.,.,.],,! section of the transport work) 
movement in Britain is the National 
nmon of Railway men. 

In the latter days of 191 f, then 
a national strike oi rail n for two 

'weeks. In that short period they pro 
to the ruling class of Britain that their 
forces could" be rapidly mobilized, 
mobilized in such a w«y that could mea- 
sure up to the employers attempt to L 
their economic status. In two weeks time 
the railway men had almost achieved 
victory over the employing class and the 
forces of the State when they v. 

and others 



trayed bv Mr. J. II. Thomas 
tional, must fully recognize that there** * !lis type connected ^ 
something as vet verv defective in our oi the railway men. 



ig as yet very 
own International machinery, for when in 
those days the Amsterdam International 
was incapable of meeting the situation, 
the Communist International with it; 
influence in the Red International of La- 
bor Unions was also incapable of rallying 
the workers. It is true that in those 
days the Red Trade Union International 
had only just been born, but the fact 
remains that there was not the coordina- 
tion between the Communist parties in 
existence, and between the revolutionary 
workers that there might have been. 

(Radek: There was not the poW 
to act). 

The capitalist offensive in 1922 m 
reflected in the great engineering IqcKJS 
just as it was reflected in the mg« 
'lockout in 1.921. These are the outstan- 
ding instances of the heavy offensive 
capitalism against the British proletary 
At the very moment when the engi ne ": 
in Britain were fighting against tne « 
pitalist offensive there were V T0 ®*%& 
in seven European countries the f } fp \^ D i A 
of the metal workers against dun 
sections of the international cap"* 



Now we find that the spokesmen of 
the capitalist class, the economists of ca- 
pitalism, are brutally and frankly telling 
the working class that the railway mens 
conditions must come down to the level 
of the miners and engineers. Instances 
are cited with remarkable frankness 
the capitalist, class with regard/ to the 
wages paid for rough labor conn' -< 
with the mines in Lanarkshire and South 
Wales and they are telling the railway 
men in spite of the sliding scale agree- 
ment in spite of the allegedly wonderful 
leadership of J. H. Thomas thay they 
cannot expect more for their labor power 
than wnat in can competitivelv demand. 
1ms offensive of capitalism in "Britain is 
also reflected in another direction. 
. Mot only do we get the brutal offen- 
sive of capitalism, naked and unashamed 
[? tQe se days ot 1922, but we also get 
]£ e Amsterdam leadership and the lea- 
J* s of the Labor party who are amongst 
no chj e f representatives of the Second 
' ei ' na tional inform in o- the working: class 



- 

llinj 

8 

passed prioi to the lockout of the Mil 
in 1921. In the light of the lockout e 1 
it is obvious • ruling i 

thf . 

and they rushed I 
ment. This la pposed h 

Labor Party -in at The regula 

his law ai igh to nu 

situation of civil 
the government of the ruling clas 

in any acute crisis a 
emergency which entitles them to call up 
the army reserve, the naval reserve and 

rgani / 1 s 
lizin. rces and 

ing all prepan pe with a ; 

tion of civil war. ' of the B 

and Tans in Ireland, clearly indh 
when English capitalism is threafo 
to the extent that capitalism in 
countries has been threatened, it 
apply even more severe measu 
have' been applied in other countr; 

When the Independent Labor Party in 
England seceded from the Second Internati- 
onal, and put a series of questions to the Com- 
munist International, the reply of the 
ter was that we must prepare j n Britain 
for a victory of the proletariat thru a 
heavy civil war. Not merely a civil war, 
but heavy civil war, is the opinion oi 
responsible comrades of the Comm 
International. While the Black and 
were waging war on Ireland, forcing the 
Irish railway men to carry manitioi 
war and to * transport tro 
Imperiatism, a deputation asked Lloyd 
George, whether or net this order 




BULLETIN OF THE l\ CONGRESS 









n countermanded by the Government. 

Lloyd George replied, "II is aol true that 

it lias been countermanded, the reverse 

true, and in the last analysis you must 

mber that force without limit is the 

I [on "l law ". 

Yet Comrade Zinoviev lias said that 
>orge stood tor the pacifist sec- 
tion of the capitalist world. It was Lloyd 
{Jeorge that used these words with refe- 
rence to the subjugation of the Irish 
people, hi 1919, referring to the railway 
strike again, the Manchester Gilardian, 
speaking of the attitude of the middle 
disss towards the working class, said that 
a statement had been made that they 
must be prepared to smash trade unio- 
nism once and for all, and that this was 
a dangerous political symptom. "The orga- 
03 nation of civic guards," said the Guar- 
dian, "is equivalent to the organization of 
White Guards in Russia, and White Guards 
mean Red Guards." 

So. all the indications point to a bitter 
struggle so tar as Britain is concerned. 

Now 1 want to say a word about the 
requirements of the Communist parties in 
Europe and the International. The Inter- 
national should insist upon mutual repre- 
sentation on the executive committee of 
the parties in Western Europe in parti- 
cular, so that the communist parties of 
Britain, Germany, France, Italy and Scan- 
dinavian countries, can get cooperation, 
mutual consideration of problems and a 
real United Front, that will enable the 






workers to make a real defensive against 

capita ism. Ftirthermere, it is necessary 

tuat the Communist International should 

do more to coordinate the Communist 

groups, that are being established in those 

2S S ; vhere there is a revolutionary 

i v Z h + T oveme , nt They should spee- 

■ imf n P ro eC ,° a x? ination of ™mmunist 

fS , ] L S P + V ,e *°P°tainia, Palestine, 

ssra iil t, ^ h0 ^ '' egi01)s - rt is also 

ni ,h n he Commun ^t Internati- 

' i-f m - more att entiou to the 

British Communist Party. Truly we are 

numerically weak, but the nternltional 

should consider that Britain is the Se 

in bSl th hiC] V S the S' r eatest C s'um- 
r LxJrt 1 :* ad ! a »^ofthe world 



in the event of a strons Bhh i « 

nist Party being ostahfished ^ ^^ 
tend to the-prohlem of coordin n+ - Can at 



OF THE 'COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 



15 



l,|]f. slogan of. the Workers' Go- 
When it came to the open 
jfonnist organisations, they 




of the world are concerned; 



Another reason whv tho rv~. 
.tm.n.tmnni i, rt „ij -A*.... ' "nmutifet Stating without thinking"). They always 

cause the roots of the" sodaCoV § te " 



International should attend to the! * 



■fem 0crat . 
The Com. 



erruption from German delegates; "He- 
ir without thinking"). They always 
eservations. They accept our tactics, 
t with reservation. It is quite clear, 



nents in the near and Par East 

iause the roots of the social 
have not been planted there, 
munist International agrees that SOc 2 
democracy is the chief stumbling block 
with its opportunism and treachery tl 
the development oi the world rnvnin+ : " UUi " " "V T 
I would urge that the CommuifJ T^ t0 the crest oi a mountain ridge The path 

national insist that the deme 11 ihl??' is sUppei ' y ? i ™ 7T* \^ St + and StlU 
within the r™ ni. ™S!?* S 1 ** ^ however and only philosophise as to scrup- 



•viid-must he said openly that the tactics 
of the United Front brings with it cer- 
tain dangers; there are obviously the 
possibilities of a drift to the Right. I 
ould compare the United Front tactic 



Britain that we stand unreservedly k SsarTto say clearly and ~ distinctly, 

tne 21 points. We will strongly oppose that the methods of the opposition have 

any tendency to forego any of the 21 paralysed or hampered the work of the 

points, therefore we say that the Interna- Party. (Hear hear) 

tional should declare that there should A I would also like to say a few words 
be no weakening of the 21 points whicb-Rvith regard to Comrade Urbahn's esti- 

distmguish the Com. International from mate of the present situation in Germany 

the reformist international of the past. He thinks it possible to prove that the 

Hoernle (Germany): Comrades, cont, time has come for a counter-offensive by 
rary to comrade Urbahns, I would like the proletariat, supporting his statement 
to- state that the majority of the German among other tilings by a" reference to the 
delegation is in full argeement with the German Factory Council Movement. Corn- 
proposals of comrade Eadek, also with rade Urbahns, we would all rejoice if we 
the analysis of the situation and his could only see to-day the signs of a re- 
practical suggestions for the Party and volutionary awakening of the broad mas- 
the Communist International. J es in Germany. But it must unfortuna- 

Just a few words about the statements teJy be admitted that the German Factory 

of comrade Urbahns. 1 believe that it is ^°uncil movement has not yet secured 

not our task here to discuss strenuously wiat hold upon the masses which we vwo- 



..in . - — "-.f«« i.iic masses vvmuii \vo \v u- 

as to whether, in the rem -irks of comra- ui wish it to have and which it one 

des Trotzky or Radek, or any other com- ^ay will have (German interruptions: 

rade, there is a note or an undertone near! hear!). The Factory Council move- 

which one could misrepresent or twist tnt m Germany hardly extends I 



beyond 




1 the V p 4CluJa -ny naretiv 

Into an. opportunist meaning. We have a ^ 1101 its of the Party membership 

more important task before us here. W ^Pj lor a certain number of sympa- 

it is typical of the opposition of a* tion n + : +u ls true that a certain propor- 

German Party and of those who repr* m "L tne hitherto indifferent workers 

sent a tendency existing perhaps not an mn us. But this is only a beginning, 

the German party alone — to doubt « J™ hardly speak yet of a real 

tactics at every opportunity. They do", to 03 the workers from their retreat 

tod the slogan' of the United Frunt; W avarice. All that can be said is 



that the resistance of the proletariat is 
becoming stronger. But it is not om 
to philosophise as to whether we have 
already entered upon a period of the 
offensive or are still in the defensive. 
Our task is to do away with all theori- 
sing on offensive and defence and I 
down to practical work among the masses 
m order to organise their resistance. 
(German delegation: Hear! hear!). 

I should like to illustrate this point 
by examples from German conditions, 
lne offensive of capitalism began in Ger- 
many m the spring of 1920, as the pe- 
I'lorJ oi apparent prosperity came to an 
end, and the entrepreneurs were com- 
pelled to ' limit their operations and 
m some cases close their factories 
they endeavoured to break down the 
workers resistance, altough their first 
attempt at this through the Kapp-Putsch 
was defeated, the workers failed to take 
advantage, of their success. 

In the summer of 1920 the Employers 
Association declared that they would 
permit no further increase of wages. At 
that time the illeagal armed organisa- 
tion of the counter-revolution, the Orgesch, 
was first set on foot. Then came the 
gret increase in the cost of living. At 
that time, comrades, we still had no 
theory of the United Front, but our old 
Party organisation the Spartacus League, 
instinctively adopted this method by 
taking part in the great demonstrations 
against the high cost of living and in 
strikes against the ten per cent wage 
reduction. With regard to this, I well 
remember the tax strike in Wurtemburg. 

Comrades, I cannot now enter into the 
details of this. But already in the summer 
of 1920 it became apparent that the po- 
litical offensive of the Government formed 
part of the economic offensive of the 
employers. The Government harrased the 
workers through the police and, in the 
agricultural districts, agricultural labour 
was dechired to be a national necessity 
and their right to strike was limited. 
Then appeared the lay of compulsory 
arbitration as an attempt to throttle tin 
workers strike movement. 

I further remember, in the winter of 
1920 — 21, when the metal workers of S 
,tgart spontaneously presented for or 
immediate demands, in the then ia. 
open letter of January 1921. ' 



BULLETIN OF THE IV CONGRESS 



laches to a United Front tacttc were 
otenupted by the March action. The 
Third World Congress then, developed 
v, tactics. It merely systematized 
ifl already existing, if expressed the 
nion that previous movements had 
been nusystematised and of a local cha- 
racter, and for this reason had committed 
many errors; but that now a systematic 
presentation of the tactic of the United 
Front was possible. 

[t is most instructive to observe how, 
under the conditions prevailing in Ger- 
v, the United Front cannot be adopted 
as a fixed formula, but assumes new forms 
in each situation. Sometimes it is carried 
on by entering the organisations of the 
aristocratic leaders, sometimesby approa- 
ching the masses. We have seen how the 
erman party has become more and more 
nfident in its use of the strategy of the 
nited Front, and how it has learned that 
llieult art of combining parliamentary 
action with mass action. 

As a result of the capitalist offensive, 
new factions became active which had 
not previously functioned in the proleta- 
rian struggle. I remember the first mo- 
vement among the Post Office workers, 
towards the end of 1920. I can remember 
the railway strike of the same year, and 
the first great strike of the apprentices 
through which large numbers of the 
working class youth were drawn into the 
conflict. 

We see, therefore, on the one hand 
the economic, political and military orga- 
nisation of capital becoming ever stronger 
and the capitalist using every subtle 
methods to retain tiieir rule over the 
pr letariat. But on the other hand, through 
the necessity of resisting this offensive 
ttie proletarian army becomes ever larger 
and better, trained. 8 

to fc^w* \?j h the P^vious speakers 

hrintlhP p" that . our J>**«mt task is to 

nng th e Communist Parties of the va- 

wffwT^ 68 lnt0 close relatiooaship 
G rman C n^ ther M What the French ^ 
Stfni rtl?S i, mVe S0 far done ' along 




ade H f%iov£- 

h in Germany as in other countries, we 



attempts along these" lines ivu 

stood by the ten demands of tLn ^Pta Germany as in other countries, we 
General Federation of Trade Tint Ge Sk'e considered the question ol -the po- 
when the social democrats en?ii DS ' a Sn of Hip German Barty -with regard 
+^ ^Tmr.cn +i„-n „+^„j i__ ,, . uut avoiih u '" ,-. 



when the social democrats endZ ' a Qtion of the German l arcy . 
to oppose this stand by their SNto Fascism, winch shows i 
of lies in which they charal2»S the working class throng 



its opposition 



of lies in which 
Communists as crimfna 
party got rid of a 



thev rhirl m H a the working class through bomb out- 
Sal h ST£S fees — ' towrt^s-t «*°- Th» 

a large numb r^^'» l » n Party "^ T^r lm ?- ° f 
the K \ r - + ;,°PP»flll a strong campaign for the disruption 



<M so that the D^i 11 S o y c fpSi 
may be opposed not merely by a Sd 



tor-offensive movement;" mY ^thl^ 1 *^ J» feeome f W 

fusion of the social-democra tic pS I th6 PaI y mn f^f l wlt hi ' aUbje f ° 

the Independents opvu n w« y m proletarian sell-defence. But we must not 

menl! b e^an tl ave V*!^^™* t0 fP^T'r ^i^f 1 ^' 
„ im _i.. „=+ „„,„n , „ , tr - %fenee organisations beforehand. But as 

tnSb g m 1T q + ? 0Ut A, the Cas the danger is realty felt by the 

FW^Sv rZ -i S an 4 thi ; ou ^ % masses we must place the question of 

fpmtnf £ S mo 7 ement and ^ ^defence in the foreground. 

se C n evelopraente. * should like to closr r , lmi out 

Comrades [.one word .on the question* *kt, at the present moment, having 

fascism, I believe that this question mj -mbraeed the tactic of the United Front 

be very senousiy dealt with at this found having identified itself with the daily 

gress. It must be keenly analysed, rfdemands and interests of the bread mas- 

merely because there are parallel n# seS) the Communist Parties must try to 

testations of this movement in mam make the Communist International ever 

countries, as comrade Radek . has J'iivm&v and more centralised, to practice 

nght y shown, but also because thes strict discipline and to stand before the 

parallel movements go hand in hao masses, not merely as participators in 

have a certain common plan of attaql the great working class movement but 

and because the threads of their varum as leaders from 'the defensive to the- 

organisations form a network embraci|effensive. (Loud Applause') 

many countries. Z e t k i n: Comrades, we 'now propose to 

In Germany we can distinguish two kng^Jose this debate (hear, hear') because 

of fascism; the South German type, which hn most important points, deal ing nit!, 

would try to briefly characterise with t«he present situation and showing how 

word "Bavarian" and the North Gtfjmlita consequences may affect us have in 

form. In South Germany Fascism wjJ-«g^p!nion, already been expressed. We 

^IX™™^ * thG ?f Uy b S ?fP pose that thp fakers still 
and the middle farmers. It is an alii a ,' 'the list yield the floor to Comrade 
of monarchist counter-revolutionists w «aaej£ for his- closing remarks 
these democratic classes. The W Welti: (Switzerland V Com rad** 1 ■>.» 
German form of Fascism, especially 'fosed to this ,£, ItP fnot riX 
the East of the Elba depends upon q«| H: after we have heard an one ni no 
different sections of society. We * ^whieh l^l^toL'ln^St 

■*T catiSf f nVP otitioi,s > the debate should 
1 °"- I he Swiss delegation has yet 



lMI';i:\\'il(j\AL 

'i motion i" offer on this subject, and 
we positively demand that we be granted 
the floor. 

K 6 1 a ni I f: There are sfeill three names 
on the speakers' list, besides Comrade 
Bosmer who wishes to road a resolution 
of protest. Comrade Radek will then con- 
clude the debate. We have only one hour 
to accomplish all this. What is your 
sure? 

Among the speakers on the list there 
arc delegates who have not yet been 
heard, and who insist that they be allowed 
to speak. If these eomrades do not desist, 
it will be necessary to limit the time of 
each speaker. I propose ten minutes' time 
limit. 

The motion is carried. 

Ro surer: Comrades, a telegram from 
Warsaw states that Comrade Etienne Ry- 
backi. elected to parliament by the vote 
of 32.000 miners from the Dombrova basin, 
has just been arrested by the police on 
the strength of Czarist laws which are 
being applied to-day in Poland. 

Comrade Etienne Krolokowski. elected 
in Warsaw by 27.000 votes is also in 
prison. This violation of the will of tens 
of thousands of working class voters is 
a new link in the long chain of infamous 
persecutions which the Communist mo- 
vement in the democratic republic of 
Poland has been suffering. 

The Polish Government after its judi- 
cial crime against deputy Dombal who 
had courageously proclaimed his adhesion 
to Communism, continues its crime 
against the elected representatives of the 
revolutionary proletariat, sent to Parli- 
ament iu spite of the white terror. 

The Congress of the Comintern con- 
demns before the working class of the 
world these acts of barbarism of the 
Polish Government, the flunkey of Inter- 
national capital, and expresses" its admi- 
ration of the Polish proletariat, coura- 
geously defending the cause, of liberty 
and humanity under such extreme hard- 
ships. 

Kolaroff: Any objections to i.his pro- 
position? 

Adopted unanimously. Comrade ]-; 
will now reply to the discussion. 

Radek. Comrades, the debate on the 
capitalist offensive has assumed in 
the nature of a renewed discussion on the 
report of the Executive and on oui 



i;i u.i.iia !>i 



l\ CONGRESS 






,\ I . 



bi avoided, 
the most 

■ at pro 
capita 

com 

the debate repea- 

lenlly, and this is 

ii 1 will liavo 

ilch liave been 

a icter 

Bordiga on Fascism 
ssion than 
Id like to give some 
urade Van 
lie eould 
anion between 
s a misui 
; oi a movement 
oisie. ha- 
re, and 
y speaks of a new 
rayal, the 
hat 1 lool 

■ 1'iuiitv: 
s :y deals with the 

n the late] future, after the 
w ill have spent 

returi the problems of tactics 
m I lie main subject of our dis- 
a. The capitalist offensive has for- 
pt the policy of the United 
ticy presents dangers both 
Right and from the Left. During 
the report of the Exiecii- 
said that the danger from the 
han that from the Left, 
to this point oi' view. 
-. - which menace our strug- 
tics from the Right arc 
Kins of the Com- 
se their Communist charac- 
cL'ii two revoluti- 
\ w;v, chief danger is that a 

oi the proletariat may re- 
ive in face of the offensn 
not only not attacking the 
: ir its own de- 
lation 
class, i his lowering of the 
if a large mas- oi thepro- 
ave danger. Our tac- 
follows: How 
the fighting will 
what should we 



1,1 1U " llil " r &o1 '" lessen thie n , inn oJ i rian ' 

spirit? I believe that om .,,.,„." '^ the l,e ?H.e onk 
must be primarily ;I .,'' ■'■ 
apnth\ ol the working In ,, <j ;'; „,- ,, 

inability to defend themselves J (^ fbe n . entitled t i :■ 

tinsl (he sociiil-l)fm,„ n:M .,, ", "^ vs'ouio u , jn ljl( . U)rU>l , 

... I ., I J., If hw, , ; i ■ ' l| "' 'i. ciVf. M ' ' ' . , . , , . - 



and a 



Half 



International, and ( 
Oios< elements in the Communist 






m ' :,, nive :, • had the o< 

rained < i ""«-' ,, _ ,-, m . 



do not adapt themselves to 'thp? Series. Bui th< 
sent situation, hut^submii IhernsohJ Slfrnsivc struggb- 



the 

: has only bee 
It The mistakes of the lef, "n tKfl d itX vou shout thai the countor-offen- 
hand only pour water on th e J S e is h 

oi the Centrists (Quite true) p '' lli q ac h an appreciation of tin- situation 
return to Comrade Urbahn's comnlfnu Urines with it the danger- that you may 
but unlike Comrade IJrbahn I wj[| have to suffer a retreat even ten I 
prove my point. In his speech Com! worse The retreat of the proleti 
Urbahn made o\u- mistake which i s ,„ ])0 t yet stopped; it is only in a lew 

that the workers are beginning 



important than all he had to say acSl sections that the workers are beginning 

our policy; he did not appreciate 3 to hold their positions, and you spe; 

tuation at its true value. He said I the beginning of a '•ounter-oliensive. 

my speech had helped the centrists! Y° 11 do mjl seP lhf ' dan 8' er£ 

L exagu-i the strength of J the apathy ol. the working 

capitalist offensive and because I didi You need only .-onsider the < e-rman 

see that the counter offensive of the prol movement to realise what it means when 

riat had already begun. As a proof, hei the miners have been deluded ml 

■ fight km the maintenance* overtime agreement This means that the 

the eight hour day in France and* workers are willing to work longer,-prac- 

Factory Councils movement in German ticall y t( \% l \ e U P t] }° ^ t h ? m \ da ^ ] [ 

insider this t-o be of the ute is not only the r lrade I. nion leaders, but 

B the workers themselves that are surren- 




then the danger iVom the Right woo? 
not be so great. To shout that theft 
mintern is "becoming corrupted an| 
ilie same breath say the working m 
is rising, this means to block the j 
to a real view oi the situation. H<| 
know whether we have already 



must say, to fight effectively against the 
capitalist offensive we must recognise its 
actual extent, and sec the dangers as 
they are. There are enough dangers con- 
fronting us, we need not imagine any- 
more. 
Comrades, we have shown vou the 



offensive of capital in its whole magni- 
the clrmax of the capitalist orrcfl^ tude. ft wa 
When Comrade LJrbabns points 



to'l 



from 



as no easy thing for us to pass 
a policy of uninterupted attacks 



this actually mean? It reprc^ 
►first defensive steps of tin- ' ?I ' e fii 
letariat. As to the question ol ^ 
mils, f ean only repeat what i . 



counci 



Nli: Sll ;^ lmy t the Social Democracy, to the po 

hey of the United Front, which presents 

a great many dangers. These dangers 

were dealt with at length in the first 

oeses of Comrade, Ziiroviev because we 

Mieve we must gather the working 

ass ^r the defence, but we communists 

jniist never forget that we are fighting 

01> more than a mere piece of bread We 

• a-e - still the weaker part of the working 

yass movemeni. In comparison with the 

^econd and Two and a Half internatm 



already said, that I agree in all 
with Comrade Hoernle.>ho has saiuj 
m should not exaggerate tne m 



cauce of this large movement, n* 
tance is great, because it will p L ^ : | 
to organise recruiting cent l I ' oS 1fl v^ 
straggle. The Factory Councils m* 



has not yet reached the large u ; . ,,, |^K we possess only a weak Press, whilst 
the non-Communist workers. ^.^ n, is strong. The dangers of the United 
sn [iposing it had, would this ali' Pi 



I 
■ 

social 

and ive be- 

■ 
Agai 

have been mad 
of all, he 

- 
irec E 

us what our 

■ 

aid; a Ni 
gotiations with th 
ned wh- 
in our with the soch 
raocrats and the Two and a I 
national (Con = in to 
say that he had cri 
preparation). Thenallow m .m the 

■ at ion. The Executive pul 
theses which form ^ 

ir actions. The- pa 

sent Tire]!- pepresentati 
knew what we were trying to d 
wanted to force the Social Democr 
fight together with us for 
day. mger 

against reduction of wag 

isive of capital. All pari 
vbai this means. Well, th 
began, in every city, in ever 
a -rear, pressure s 
ted upon the Second and 
Inter-nationals. AVI 
sure: The Ex. 
o-ati he meeting? T 

iia 1 

- 
We said, 
-aliens from 

result? ". 



■ 

.tirB'M'li it ion 

■ f j such a. 

ion, dear Com- 
ic Uorlin. 
\\ ho 
ise the mas- 
on. Uthough our pro 
to hold a conference 
) Two and a Kali Ini 

. ial democrats 
upeJ them to 

tittle was done 

m. Well, I mrade 

me wholly helpless. And 

ond reproach. 

I our greastest Illusion was 

! Democrats will fight, 

( s who hare acted since 

be bourgeoisie arc all 

to lead this struggte. 

Conarade l T rbahns who has heard for 

they were agents of the bour- 

naturally; How can we light 

die bourgeoisie? 

if politics were such 

ing that aftei I have said once 

were agents of the bourgeoisie 

aid be for ever damned, tl 

politics would be very easy. 

• no doubt that as far as lea- 
ders of the Social Democracy are con- 
ned, they are consciously against a re- 
.. .Bat these leaders live in Ger- 
France and England, not in a va- 
cuum, or just to polemise with Comrade 
thns and myself. These leaders find 
support in Germany in a party with a 
members and in the many mil- 
10 follow the party. These leaders 
openly for the bourgeoisie or 
aipi o break away from it depen- 
a upon conditions at any given time. 
Let me recall to you a very simple 
the 5th of November 1918 
an and Ebert were negotiating 
leral staff. They promised to 
wn Prince and the Monarchy 
should abdicate. Then on 
■•ember, Scheidemann jum- 
od the tribune of the Reichstag 
ig live the Republic! Some 
) better to betray us la- 
Quite true). But since 
tas happened which 



HE l\ COI 

noi i .1 
consideration, namely the 
the Ilolo-n/o I.Vjvvnlu ,! n ' lh 

counter - revolution. The u, n .' ■ 
' ;r;l 3'" 1 us, but befon n" 1 

only one who denies this is ,.' ]n ", 
want to see or hear mvtu ^° dfc 
disagreeable to him ' Ulun " 
. At the meeting of the enlarge 
tive and m his speech on tacth 
viev nsed a very happy phras 
the social democrats are traitors i " 
proletariat, but they can also be 
bourgeoisie whenever this beeom 

try for their salvation Now th. ; 
question is to what extent can ', 
on this. Comrades, if curses could inn 
party, we would ask Comrade ZinovS 
sign an ukase ordering ScheidemaZ 
company to disappear from the 
the earth, fcinee this is impossible 
must light them. The only qvie 
when will we be abb- to destroy 
It is possible that these people are 
tightly bound to the bourgeoisie that fa 
cannot break away from Un -n 
wo will have to destroy them' togeti 
with the bourgeoisie. But it is al 
sible that there will come a : 
the coalition with the bourgeoisie 
'become impossible for them, they 
forced to enter into a coalition with t 
In this coalition they will attempt ■ 
betray us. We will be able to com 
them only after their actions within'' 
coalition will have discredited them total 
and the masses will have gone over 
us. He who does not take into accom 
all these possibilities, who is ever repes 
ting, he loves me, he loves me no 
he betray me wholly or only partly 
I be afraid or shall I not be a In 
minds me of the girls of whom Heir 
that they have nothing else but 
virtue. Well, Comrade Urbahns, yon l\» v 
even lost that for you are not agaiij 
the workers' government on prnwj 
such a depreciated virtue lias very In? 
weight in a question of principles. 

What does the slogan of the worKg 
government signify? Comrade TOj 
has hinted at the great differences wffi 
exist between Trotskv, Zinoviev ai 
self on this question.' Many times al 
we have read in ihe bourgeois P- 
Europe of how thecal valry of Bukhara 



Hi 






, nno with tl tntry oi , 

ff0 rt.p oth. 

S are noi machim 



"^estion from onepoinl 
Ironi another. 

,i of view the 



anoth !ru " 1 



ihpr°from another, which n • dif- 

ferent shades of meaning. 
' rk e quesl whether the I 

Favours action among the 
workers' government or not? At the pre- 
Lrf moment in Germany thi 
we will declare to the Social Democrats 
that we are ready to light with them 
against the bourgeois coalition, that we 
wall support a workers' government, 
or even take part in it. Is this the 
standpoint of the Executive or not? I say 
it is and this is what matters politically. 
Comrade Urbahns said that as far as the 
workers' government is concerned he 
siders it impossible. Therefore, if the 
bourgeois coalition fails, Comrade Urbahns 
will follow this methol of agitation; — he 
will come to the social democratic dock 
workers in Hamburg and tell them: you 
are seven times as strong as we are, we 
put forth the demand for' a workers' go- 
vernment and are going to fight for it, 
luit it is impossible. Of course, this is 
idiotic. Now I should like to say a few 
words here to Comrade Smeral. J lis great 
mistake is that because of his opportu- 
nistic policy in the past, he believes that 
every time he rises to .speak, he must 
cross himself and say "Do not imagine 
that this is an opportunist standpoint-. 
If you believe u "let us argue it out. I 
agree with Comrade Smeral d Ger- 

many the struggle for the formation of 
the workers' government may begin 
shortly, perhaps even in the next few 
months. Then all at once Comrade Smeral 
begins to swear at the Left and says: I 
do not believe in the workers' govern- 
ment., but others believe in it and there- 
are let us act as if we also believe in 
g- ii this is the way to conduct a poli- 
tical campaign, then I know nothing of 
pontics. To appear before the masses with 
jucn a programme at a time when the 
w,i ar 1S worth 10 thousand marks, when 
bmt eB are beil] 8" Iow ered, the coalition 
h be e ? llp beca ^se Stinnes is against a sta- 
usatwn of the mark is absolute nonsense. 



V I 

the roe 

of tin orol< 

dicti 

achl 

id. win • 
pro! I] will ha 

to adopl di« tatorsl 

rad< 
clo 

Let 

, of it. The othe] 
"we do not think" but you thin i 
(Lau / and lool 

■ 

Is it pos 

ign? Must v. <• not. tell 
we w<i] nd to opp< 

the capitalist attack. We must 
th' 

the capitalist a1 

the unii ■ working class, whici 

politiealfy 

nto [iov • the may. 

the working 
we shall be with it during all tin 
of the struggle in the full conviction - 
thi"' stri . - • ■ r - 

viewpoint 

If all this is opportunism (L * 
this is an interpretation i 
does not follow that I am in interpi 
of dreams if I explain what 
be our thoughts. If you have no tl 
I cannot help that. 

I shall now say just a h 
to the oppos 

let as tak 
rade leuth Fisch 
criticised some of the ; 
of the Central Commit 
her that she was right! . 
tic-ism which is i 
tactics and policy 
International. Bui 
forward with hi 
ol the ". 
tional, claim 
mean any such ret 
Bordiga also wan 






BULLETIN OF THE (V CONGRESS 



(H THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 



23 



K 



j i, . uvowiQp s'lvs- "I recognise 
Front, una be UKewisi >wv • a e> 
the tt F in a general way, but ana in 
S^eement with it on matters of detail. 
S God, wo are not in a bourgeois 
Su nenl to indulge in such verbal 
gSSartloa Youmusi either ^ adopt ;tho 
gjUcal theses, or you mus toja 
platform oi your own and laj it beion 
le Congress. This wavering, this yes- 
|lS-g g ame, this, attitude of I sfcanM 
Eke to but ! can't" may be all right ioi 
manmuvering in the party districts and 
creatine majorities in this or that direc- 
|on but it will not do at all ior the 
conduct of proletarian politics. 

Comrades, all this wavering must not 
he taken too lightly. I read to-day an 
article by Comrade Geschke of the Berlin 
organisation. I was told that he was a 
g«od revolutionary worker. This comrade 
writes as follows about Thalheimer s pro- 
gram draft: 

" -Marx wrote in his manifesto oi a cer- 
tain kind of intellectuals advancing theo- 
ries which bring confusion into the wor- 
king class ranks, and consciously or 
unconsciously assist capitalism to weather 
the crisis." 

He is thus kind enough to admit that 
Thalheimer with his program draft is 
unconsciously perhaps helping the capital- 
ists. However he raises a warning finger 
and says: 

"What lends itself most to criticism 
in this draft program, is the part dealing 
with the workers' government. By admit- 
ting that it is possible for the working- 
class already within the capitalist State 
to occupy strategic positions and to do 
proletarian constructive work, we oblite- 
rate the clear line which we have hith- 
rto followed and provide the reformist 
Socialists with a weapon without which 
k pey would find it difficult to explain 
eir present attitude." 
Tims we are told that they are capfu- 
rategie positions within the capi- 
ilisi state, we five, becoming reformists. 
Phe strategic positions within the capi- 
ajjst State are the Trade Unions, the 
emimmist party and the factory commit- 
. we know how to use them. Occu- 
trategic positions also means ha- 
pable comrades in parliament, who 
now how to-make use of that institution 
j the interests of the working class. But 
r e are: to I'd that to win such positions 



within the capitalist system j s lvr 
It. appears that revolutionary D0 iY? mi sn 
sists in maintaining our helpless™ ,V '' 0l - 
capitalism doe. us the great' hZ^ 
collapsing. J,]r $ 

The comrade also made the foil 
very interesting statement: °*«!j 

The "Rote'Fahne" published lateh 
extract from a speech by Comrade Trot £ 



*) 



delivered art a -meeting of Moscow | 

ha' 
in. 
> bo 
state, but must also for a time conti 



• n the common struggle, leading 
P- erlli L.Ues into that struggle and con- 
il> e ,!' ;t in a Communist spirit. 
.[noting 
trades if was said here that my 
■it contained the statement thai the 
ri>P vino- masses as a whole do not yet 

3 "that tliis' is premature. It Was 



cials, in winch it was Mated that , 
the conquest ol power, the working ,1 
mu.-t not only take over the h 'uV r '' v 



s < ncr^le consciously for power, being 
vinccd that this is premature. It was 

c ? a id that this was a very dangerous 
feiucnt Well, comrades— (interruption 



[irliahns: it was quite differently i'or- 



nuilatedX Perhaps you. will say what the 
,,.,i formulation was. (Urbahns: you 



ytaal formulati 



to conduct it according to the capital! KTlost faith in the conquest of Power) 
methods of production, including accote r accept this formulation. Comrade Ur 

banns if the working masses, or at least 
; l ;ir o'e majority of them firmly believe 



methods of pr< 

fancy, exchanges, banking, etc.: The sj 
stefdamers could not wish for a bette 
justification for the co-operation be1 
employers and employed and the polM 
of coalition." 

When Trofeky says that after the 
quest of power, one must calculate an 
not vaguely flounder in a fog; h 
vides a very good argument for the » 
cial democrats, who are not only 
vour of calculations, bui '- -a' 
lation under capitalist rule. 

This was published under the 
"Tactics and Organisation" without ,:; 
editorial comments. What does this meapl 
ff the writer <.>1' iiii- article is a go 
comrade (and he is supposed to heagm 
revolutionary workei n only shows tha 
there is still a great onfu 

the minds of some ol 011. best 1 
tionary workers. And you, who afek* 
ders of these workers, instead or cMl 
up the situation, <mly create more coi 
fusion by your doubts. 

The danger of Your attitude cc 
in the fact/that your doubts hinder us. 
creating a clear Hue ol" action 
Communist parties against capitals' 
sive. If you are going to tell me that* 
counter offensive ol the proletariat 
already begun, I will tell you tha 
cannot even organise the defensive • 
proletariat, We" had not yet been aDJ 
make our own parties, the parties « 
Communis! International, the cen 
the struggle againsl the capitalist l " 
sive. Our tactics are not being ';'.; 
out in Italy nor in bYance. fa Mg 
you have made small beginning- f 
•Men these beginnings you have •; 
by your doubts instead of ovcrCQJWj ^ 



II their capacity to conquer and. establish 
the dictatorship, why have you consen- 
ts to the party bringing forward the 
watchword of the workers' government as 
a solution'.' 

I am of the opinion that nothing would 
be more dangerous for the Communist 
Inlernational than the failure in recognise 
that the present phase consists in the 
s not being ready to storm the 
enemy's positions, and it is only by stor- 
ming' these positions that the masses 
iigain faith in the final goal. The Com- 
munists are the vanguard of the working 
class and they believe in the dictatorship 
of the proletariat. However, the non-com- 
munist working masses only fight when 
compelled by "circumstances, it is per- 
fectly clear that the majority of the 
working class is not concerned now with 
tile conquest of political power: whoever 
denies this is blind and will not be able 
• o change the present, mood of the mas- 
^ ,j s in the course ol further development 
well people cannot do anything but run 
the party, nagging and criticising 
because they cannot understand that the 
party is compelled to act as ii does. 

Comrades, the mistakes which we must 
avoid now have already been made before. 
Alter the defeat of the Russian revolution 
in lone,, when the Russian proletariat was 

III an extremely difficult position, the 
Wsheviks said that the revolution was 
g an end. They said that capitalism 
Jjs consolidating itself, and that Eds- 
5g was following in the wake of the 
' <Kshiu development. The Bolsheviks, on 

Ul: contrary said: the bourgeoisie and 



Tsarism are not capable of a jingle fun- 
damental question. 

And therefore the revolution has nor 
reached its culmination. One revolutionary 
wave has passed and the next is not ye! 
upon us. However, dispute- ar 'ng 

the Bolsheviks on what was to be done, 
between these two waves; the Berlin 
comrades are very displeased when the 
word "Otsovism" is used. They think 
it is an opprobrious epithet. They speak 
about menshevism, and we, who know 
the Russian language better, throw the 
word "Otsovism'! at their head. "Otsovism" 
implies that the revolution must come 
and it will come. It was said, somewhat 
as the comrade whom I just quoted said 
in his article, that the revolution was 
bound to come. Well, the Bolshevik len- 
ders were not mystics, they knew that 
on the basis of the economic development, 
history is made by the c md that 

when the advanced ranks of the objecti- 
vely revolutionary class do not take up 
the fight for the revolution, the latter 
may be a long time in coming, although 
the development is going in the direction 
of the revolution. It is a question of the 
existence of a revolutionary class led bj 
a class conscious vanguard, and when the 
"Otsovists" say: because the revolution 
is bound to come it is not necessary to 
enter parliament or the trade unions or 
the co-operatives, the Bolsheviks combat- 
ted such a conception. There were various 
shades of Otsovists. Just as there have 
been and still are senu-mensheviks and 
semi-centrists, so there were also semi; 
and quart er-otsovists 'who had to 
dragged by the hair to a. proper 
elation of 'the situation. Therefor* 
Kamenetf, and Zinoviev fought against the 
half and qtiarter-otsovists and sai 
revolution on the day after tomon 
but to-dav we must rally the mas 
the struggle," Comrades, the da 
otsovist" moods and tendencies 
danger. It is only another 
passivity of the masse-. Yo 
the masses come into n\o['. 
want 10 fill in this pause wil 
which one only does ouf ol tear. V* 
children are afraid, they sin;j 
These tactics are dan- 
must be overcome. You mm 
on to the coat sleeve 0! 
and hamper it In 



Iilil,l,i;il\ OF CHE IV CONGRESS 



. i!llls l u , V!k - ! was made torn that you 
hindered the I 'any- l did not saj it 
1 thai your pusillanimity is going to 
nifderi for II & believed that you have 
SloVof the Party behind you (m ter- 
* tion b\ the German Delegation: When 
Redone this'.') 1 will tell you pre- 
sentlv 't was when the question oi pro- 
r ,,,v taxation cropped up, the question 
;',; the creation oi' taxation which would 
the bourgeoisie and remove the bur- 
den of taxation from the working class. 
Perhaps yon will remember all the spee- 
ches about the peril of State capitalism 
ionnection with the question ol the 
workers" government. Perhaps you wilt 
also remember your own speeches here 
during the discussion of the United tront 
question. On every one of these oca- 
suras it was said: this may lead either to 
betrayal or at any rate to the deception 
of oar comrades. During the Rathenau 
campaign and the Session oi' the Commis- 
sion of Nine, your whole concern was 
that Bukharin and Radek should not 
appear as traitors or fools. Such a po- 
licy, unless an end is put to it quickly, 
is likely to ruin the Party. When after 
the speech of Comrade Ruth Fischer, we 
hear such a speech from Comrade Urbahns 
represents a big German Party orga- 
nisation, we must say: "Dear comrades, 
do clear up matters or you will harm the 
party which you do not want to do be- 
cause (i will say it quite openly) you 
represent a large section of the proleta- 
riat which ni us! be our support all the 
more because, the peril of passivity ma- 
kes it necessary to gather around us all 
the revolutionary forces of the proletariat- 
Comrade. I want to say a lew words 
about the peril from the Right. The Bri- 
tish delegate Webb spoke here and admo- 
nished the Executive to keep to the 
: 'i conditions. J beard to-day for the 
first time that our good Comrade Webb 
-obbed of his sleep for [ear that 
there might be -A) conditions. 1 can reas- 
sure him. Comrade Zinoviev said that at 
jjhe next negotiations with groups coming 
mm the Right, there will" be 42 condi- 
| M». Perhaps this will satisfy Comrade 
V>,||) "- However, the Party which lie 
represents is not as radical as he is. We 
are- obliged to criticise a little the Party 
" ! . j he represents in connection with 
;i serious error of action. I have before 



me the election address of the n 
nist Party of Great Britain m % 

How does the British Communis! d 
apply its United Front tactics? w art * 
"We arc a section of the working S f ?S: 
namely its Left Wing. NevertheW^ 
want to stand together with all th7 V We 
workers' parties." Whither Naomi* 
thither goes Ruth also. I do notM * 
Comrade Ruth Fischer (laughter) hn?^ 
kindhearted biblical Ruth. AndtC 5? e 
election address goes on "What it 5* 
Labour Party? The workers are r 
fellows, they want to fight, but the h 
ders are not quite so fine." And th, V"' 
says: "In the past as in the present trW* 
was treachery on the part of the leader 
Such treachery might happen once £ 
nevertheless, the Labour Party is aaai™ 
the capitalists. By Jove, if this % , 
sample of unity tactics, perhaps we bet 
ter leave them alone. The Executive 
has shown in its manifesto to the wor- 
kers that the entire policy of the Labour 
Party is nothing but a continuous bet- 
rayal of working class interests. But the 
Executive also said to the workers: if thi 
Labour Party is victorious and forms a 
government, it will betray you in thf 
end and will show to the workers that | 
its aim is the perpetuation oi capitalism. 
Then the workers w r il! either desert it, 
or the Labour Party will be compelled,]! 
fight owing to the pressure ol the wor- 
kers, and in. that case we shall back it 
We issued a delinite watchword: vote for 
it, but prepare to struggh against it. If 
thereupon Comrade Webb comes here and 
warns us against the opportunists, we 
can' only say to him: "C mirade Webb, 
book your berth as quickly as possible 
and return to England, in order to fight 
against opportunism there, and you will 
have our heartiest support". 

The questions of the United Front an 
of the offensive will occupy a prominent 
place in our program m not only next yeM 
but for several years to come. U is ff 
possible that the union of the sociaMJ 
mocratic leadens with the bourgeois; 
will be of long duration. We trust tiw 
we will succeed to firing them into ' 
lighting line through the pressure ol * 
masses', at least at some time or oui. 
and we must expect that the trend on- 
revolution will be a much slower P 1 ^* 
than many expected. Misery throng" 



ii w i]| probably increase before; 
^rTsses are brought into the struggle. 
tbe . Possible that at that juncture we 
t^ri nave to adopt the tactics of fro n- 
F i attacks. However, we shall only do 
when we are strong enough for it. 
The tactics of the Communist Interna- 
... JJS mU st be adapted to the immediate 
Shire although its perspectives embrace 
ho whole period. Not only has our per- 
nective remained the same but the lon- 
ger the period of the counter-revolution 
fasts the more the bourgeoisie is showing 
its incapacity to consolidate its power. 
4nd it is not an agitational tirade, but 
a deep rooted theoretical conviction, when 
we say that there is no way out for the 
bourgeoisie. 

It is impossible to decide theoretically 
what is the ante-chamber aud what is 
the famous fireplace. I do not mind pro- 
phesying a few centuries ahead, but I 
abstain from prophesying for the next 
year, for the facts are so entangled that 
only those who do not know much about 
theory can prophesy. It is most impor- 
tant that the workers should be orga- 
nised for the fight. If in order to achieve 
this it should be necessary to negotiate 
With the social-democrats, we must do 
I so, and we will do it with the full scien- 
tific knowledge that this development 
will render the class conflict more actute. 
And if this conflict becomes more acute, 
we shall become the decisive factor. 

Nothing is more dangerous during this 
internal intervening between two "great 
periods of struggle, than this timidity 
and this parading of principles pure and 
simple. We must be with the masses in 
the practical struggles, and must not re- 
gard communism as if it were as brittle 
as porcelain. We are still very weak, and 
it would be tragic if wo did not recognise 
tins, u e can be strong only if we make 
«P our minds to do what is required at 
Present. Circumstances are such to-day 
ciiat \ye must rally the masses for a 
lK g for immediate practical aims, 
Si ls L S0ing to lead eventually to the 
dictatorship of the proletariat,: (Loud 
a J>Plause). 

Jf { 'J o v i e v: Comrades, I have just re- 
\wl Vl tele £ram from Comrade Walton 
dSSi oi " &1 asgow, saving that our 
wril 5 an won the electrons in Mother- 
Wel b Scotland. (Applause). 



An independent candidate of our English 
party has been elected there. We do 
overstiamate the value of parliamentari - m } 
but this victory has nevertheless a Signi- 
ficance for our principles. The Red 
appears to be rising in this most capi- 
talist of all countries. I believe that 
under present circumstances in England 
this election is not an unimportant vic- 
tory of the communist Internationa!. 
'Applause). 

Kolaroff: Comrades, please keep your 
seats, the session is not yet over. 

Before we begin the translation of Com- 
rade Radek/s speech, there are still sonic 
small questions to be settled; we\ will 
then translate everything as a whole. 

Comrade Welti of Switzerland has; 
a proposition to make, I shall grant him 
the floor to present his motion.' 

Welti (Switzerland): Comrades, I 
should like to preface the motion i am 
offering on behalf of the Swiss delegation, 
by a few short remarks. The previous 
speeches on the tactics and the offensive 
of capital have not quite satisfied us of 
the Swiss delegation, and the various 
speeches on these topics to-day have 
shown us that there are other speakers 
who are not satisfied either. It is inte- 
resting to see how the attempt is b 
made here at the Congress .to realise the 
necessity of the United Front among 
the various communist parties themsel- 
ves. Interesting is also the attempt of 
Comrade Zinoviev to re-establish unity 
in the Hungarian party by declaring that 
there are not factions. 

The question of the United Front 
tactics in the different countries has 
taken no small place in our discus- 
sion, as Comrade Radek has pointed 
out in his closing speech. 1 also would 
have liked to say a few words on 
the matter. But the Congress has 
given us the floor, and we submit. Even 
Even before the Executive gave on 
alogan of the United Front we bad 
ady applied this policy, with success in 
many cases. But more of this at -■■ 
other time and place. We ma> 
to make use of our time to inform 
comrades who are not in Moscow ; 
thing might, interest them. 

ItVas certainly interesting to i 
speeches, with which we agiV' 
main part, and the c 

























1 






■ 









- 

I 

■ram of 
i 

and 

make this 

• thai 

. to take 

i 

theprole- 

- 

I givo 
rty in 

nn- 

U'Ve, 

- 

m 
; 



I 

would 
■ ore credible I'o 






to the truth il we considered 



'D the Italian n 
ommunist ]nternation a 
the [ntorimtiomil f>r<»l^i ;uia t In 

I point. 1 believe that If wo d, 
mil realise thai resolutions ;,,-, 
are in^ul ficicrii.. hul. tin 

consider what action is 
in this connection (Applause). 
I a r o IT: we must now consider (j 
the following resolutions o 
question di al this com 

namely: 
!. The resolution on the report: ■ 
Years of the nh^ian Revolutioi 
i1h> Perspectives of the World 
tution." 
2. Kesolu turns on <i\>-r<: -The Ca 

list Offensive.'' 
-!. Resolution on the These-; on Tactic 

and Open Letter. 
The Presidium suggest that the >■ ^ 
commission -which had drawn up ' 
m on the Executive Committee'; 
Report ho charged with the framing 
resolutions en the above questions. 
It is understood that delegations 
always the right of making changi 
the composition ol this commission. 
Is there any opposition to i 1 
al?-.. The proposal is adopted, j 
With regard to the proposal of Corm*- 
Welti, I 'should say that the Kxfi' 
jidered this" question. It has 
decided that the new Executive beewp 
wered to eon for about this matter « 
the representatives of the Parties Q 
cerned. 

Eastern Commission prupo^. 
the ( in,;! a speeial comm 

be ;. . ine the situati 

following comrades 
been pro] as members (l! 

commission; 

Frarichi (Italy) 

Webb (England) 

Boron (France) 

;hran (Turl ^ 

KbI pan) 



up: 









.. The follows 

n Comm 
Ground FLoot Hall. 
s 30 p.m. The Spanish Commit 

together with certain com- 
rades oi the Italian De- 
legation. 
n . The Educational Commis- 
sion. The delegations 
which have not yet no- 
minated their repn 
tatives to this commission, 
are asked to do so before 
S o'clock. 
At 8 p.m. The Czecho - Slovakian 

Commission. 
These commissions will meet in the 

in this floor. 
Furthermore., the Marx-Kngels Institute 












a 

■ 

■ 

K a 
wbh 

morrow al 11 o 
will he openei 
the number 

The 

journmei 



.